In a world where diversity is on the rise and educational opportunities for black students are expanding, some argue that these schools may have outlived their purpose. Is it time to merge them with traditionally “white” schools? The debate continues.
This article is the first in a two-part series about the relevance of historically black colleges and universities today. The second part, coming in the next issue of Diversity & the Bar,® will focus on the perspectives of recent graduates.
For many, historically black colleges and universities (HBCUs) are a cornerstone of higher education. Their traditions and legacies run deep, and they have provided equal access to a high-quality education for countless African Americans. But, as diversity gains momentum and economic pressures continue to mount, the need for these specialized institutions is in question. Are they as relevant today as they were in the 19th and 20th centuries? Or have they outlived their initial purpose, which was to give blacks—who were banned from attending traditional colleges and universities—universal access to higher education? Economically speaking, would it make more sense to consolidate HBCUs with majority white colleges? The debate isn't new, but it continues to loom large.
Recently, Georgia state senator Seth Harp (R), chairman of the Senate Higher Education Committee, raised the question of whether to merge two of Georgia's traditionally African American schools—Albany State University and Savannah State University—with two of the state's traditionally white schools—Darton College and Armstrong State University. Harp's argument rests primarily on the question of financial need: Does it make sense to fund multiple colleges, when resources could be pooled to shrink operating expenses?
In addition to dollars and cents, consolidation supporters cite diversity as a reason to merge schools, noting that attendance at a primarily black college does not serve as adequate preparation for the “real world.” They argue that an ethnically diverse student body enhances every student's education, no matter their race or ethnicity.
Relevant or Relic?
Are HBCUs relics from a different era?
The landscape of education looks undeniably different today than it did back in 1837, when Pennsylvania's Cheyney University, the nation's first HBCU, was founded in Pennsylvania. Today, more than 100 historically black institutions are in operation; approximately 285,000 students in the U.S. currently attend these schools.
HBCUs traditionally have offered a rich and cohesive student-life experience.
Today's academic reality also is vastly different than it was just a few decades ago. Growing numbers of minority students are attending predominately white colleges and universities. Last fall, the University of Kentucky saw a record number of minority students in its freshman class, reaching an all-time high of 341, which represents a 32% increase in just one year. Similarly, the University of Georgia broke its previous records with a 16% increase in African Americans in the 2008 – 09 freshmen class.
A record-breaking 21% of the class self-identified as other than Caucasian. In 2008, US News & World Report noted that Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey-Newark, had a diversity index of 0.74. This means almost three out of every four students are non-Caucasian. Thirteen schools had a diversity index of 0.70 or higher.
Change has also come to HBCUs, where white student enrollment is on the rise. Joshua Packwood made national news last May when he became the first white valedictorian at historically black Morehouse College. Increasing numbers of non-black students report being drawn to HBCUs for their unique educational offerings, and for the opportunity to obtain a rich cultural experience, at an affordable price. In the absence of formal consolidation, a natural merging of students appears to be underway.
This may in part be due to expanded diversity efforts. HBCUs and traditionally white institutions alike are increasingly creating diversity committees and bumping up initiatives to foster an inclusive environment with a diverse student population.
Dean Raymond Pierce, Chance D. Lynch, Joyvan Malbon, Willie J. White, Stacy Maynor, William C. Stackhouse
Photo by Robert Lawson for NCCU Public Relations
Numbers Speak Volumes
The lines may be blurring, but will eliminating HBCUs be a disservice to the people they were intended to help? HBCU supporters posit that these schools are vital to the successful integration of African Americans into the corporate, research, academic, and government arenas. “Black colleges are as relevant today as they were well over 100 years ago,” contends William E. Cox, president and chief executive officer of Diverse: Issues in Higher Education. “They continue to produce the majority of baccalaureate degrees for black students and, for the most part, provide the pipeline for black Ph.D.s and other terminal degrees. But more importantly, black students graduate at a much higher rate than their counterparts at predominately white institutions.”
Graduates of HBCUs represent a significant portion of successful professionals both domestically and internationally. According to the United Negro College Fund, more than half of all African American professionals are graduates of HBCUs. While these institutions represent a mere 3% of the nation's higher education institutions, their graduates represent a full 25% of African Americans with undergraduate degrees. Further, nine of the top ten colleges that graduate the most African Americans who go on to earn a Ph.D. are HBCUs.
More Support for HBCUs
In addition, notes Cox, HBCUs provide an environment that may be better suited to meet the needs of African American students. “Black students also have found that black colleges are much more affordable, have a very strong support system, [are] more hospitable, and [are] more nurturing than white institutions.”
Affordability is a significant factor. “Still today, [HBCUs] tend to be the most cost-effective education. And for some families, that means a lot,” says Stacey J. Mobley, the former senior vice president, general counsel, and chief administrative officer of DuPont Company who attended Howard University for undergraduate studies as well as law school. He also was among the nation's first African Americans to be named GC of a Fortune 100 company, and is the only F100 GC to have graduated from an HBCU law school. “Howard, for example, gives a very high quality education at a very cost-effective price.” Mobley also notes that, while the recent economic downturn has created challenges for many educational institutions, it has rendered a cost-effective education even more important for many students.
Cox agrees. “While it is true that many black colleges and universities are struggling financially, today's economic environment could make matters worse in days to come,” he points out. “The majority has small endowments, most are tuition-driven, and enrollments are declining, so there could be rough roads ahead for many. However, the historically black college and university remains the best source for so very many black students who otherwise would not have the opportunity for a first-rate education.”
Tradition, Legacy, and Merit
The tradition and legacy of HBCUs are another compelling factor. “Even though African Americans and other minorities can go to other fine institutions and get great educations, there's an additional feature of HBCUs—the tradition and history,” notes Mobley, who was accepted to Columbia University, among others, but chose to attend Howard because of its rich tradition. “For some students, their parents and grandparents went to HBCUs, and the kids want to follow in their footsteps. I really wanted to participate in a university that had that kind of legacy. I met lifelong friends there, including African Americans that came from similar backgrounds, and some that didn't.” Mobley's daughter, Michele, also chose Howard—not for financial reasons, but because both her parents attended.
Kurt L. Schmoke, dean of the Howard University School of Law, cites merit as the deciding factor of whether HBCUs should continue to operate as separate entities. “A college that is not conveying value to students and producing graduates capable of contributing meaningfully to improving society should not be supported,” he explains. “This would be true whether the school is an HBCU or not.”
Schmoke notes that many HBCUs offer unique programs that stand on their own merit, such as Tuskeegee University. “Although Auburn University is less than a half hour drive from Tuskeegee, the latter offers certain programs of international stature, such as the veterinary medicine program, that would not be offered as effectively should it be merged into the larger university setting. Students and faculty come from around the world to participate in that program at Tuskeegee because they believe it is unique. A program such as this deserves to be supported and strengthened, not merged into a larger institution,” he declares.
A Legal Issue
This debate is anything but new to Raymond C. Pierce, dean of the North Carolina Central University School of Law. From 1993 to 2000, he served as President Clinton's deputy assistant secretary for civil rights at the U.S. Department of Education. In this role, he led the development of the Clinton administration's federal education and civil rights policy in response to the 1992 U.S. Supreme Court decision in Ayers v Fordice, which addressed equal protection in higher education opportunities for African American students and the impact of state policies on HBCUs. Dean Pierce directed resolution of the Department of Education's national higher education desegregation docket, and negotiated settlement agreements with six states, the result of which was increased funding and better educational programming for public HBCUs.
Although Pierce concedes that redundancy is a waste of resources—that duplication of programs within colleges that are in close proximity is a useless byproduct of segregation—he holds that the real issue at stake is educational opportunity. “It's easy to say we're race-neutral now and we don't need black colleges,” he notes. “It would be wrong for the very institutions that have carried the burden of [segregation] to have to suffer in the desegregation process.”
In fact, says Pierce, this debate boils down to legality. “When people talk about this, they have to do it within the context of federal policy,” he explains, noting that it is a violation of the law to deny equal access to education, as evidenced by limiting or constricting higher education. “[HBCUs] have been constricted, restricted, and deprived of educational programs as compared to traditionally white institutions.” And so, instead of shuttering HBCUs, desegregation requires that funds be allocated in their direction so as to offer programs that improve these institutions, adding value within the context of the law, he argues.
And the debate continues. DB
Kara Mayer Robinson is a freelance writer based near New York City.
From the May/June 2009 issue of Diversity & The Bar®